Chapter three
For most of human history, wood was energy, architecture, weaponry, and writing surface. Forests made cities possible—and cities unmade forests.
Long before metal, people shaped wood. A notched pair of logs from Kalambo Falls in Zambia, dated to around 476,000 years ago, is among the oldest known wooden structures. Fire, cooking, and later charcoal for smelting all depended on trees. When agriculture began after the last ice age, the need for fields joined the older need for fuel and timber.
At the end of that ice age, forests covered an estimated 57 percent of the world’s habitable land—about six billion hectares. Since then, humanity has cleared roughly a third of that area, a loss on the order of two billion hectares, driven mainly by farming and by the appetite for wood.
Clearing is not only a modern story. Neolithic farmers opened European woodlands with axe and fire. In the Near East, Bronze Age landscapes shifted from mixed deciduous woods toward evergreen oak, olive, grape, and fig. The cedars of Lebanon, praised in ancient texts, were cut for temples and ships until the famous stands were reduced to relics. Classical writers already described a Greece and Mediterranean world thinner of trees than the heroic past they imagined.
By the seventeenth century, timber shortage was a matter of state. John Evelyn’s Sylva (1664), written for the Royal Society, urged England to plant trees for the navy. It is one of the first great conservation texts in English, born not of wilderness romance but of shipyards.
Industrialization intensified the assault. Charcoal iron, then railways and balloon-frame housing, then pulp paper, chewed through remaining old growth. New England was largely stripped by the Civil War. California’s giant sequoias were cut for spectacle as well as lumber. In 1772, New Hampshire mill owners’ refusal to spare mast pines reserved for the British crown helped feed revolutionary anger—the Pine Tree Riot.
George Perkins Marsh’s Man and Nature (1864) argued that wrecking forests changed climate, soil, and streams. Arbor Day, first celebrated in Nebraska in 1872 at the urging of J. Sterling Morton, turned planting into a civic ritual. In the United States, Gifford Pinchot and Theodore Roosevelt built the Forest Service (1905) on a doctrine of utilitarian conservation: forests as a crop to be used forever, not a mine to be exhausted. John Muir pressed a stricter preservation ethic that later protected parks and monuments.
Those two instincts—use trees wisely, and leave some places uncut—still structure forest politics. After the Second World War, industrial logging on public lands in North America and elsewhere provoked a new environmental movement, legal challenges, and battles over species such as the northern spotted owl.
“If our ancestors found it wise and necessary to cut down fast forests, it is all the more needful that their descendants should plant trees.”
— Andrew Jackson Downing, 1847
Every early high culture that left a written record also left a complaint about disappearing woods. The pattern is almost monotonous: first the nearest hillsides go, then the river valleys, then imported timber from farther and farther away. When wood grew scarce, states rationed it, fought over it, or invented substitutes—coal, then oil, then steel, concrete, and plastics.
Substitutes did not end the pressure. Agriculture remains the main reason forests fall. The historical lesson is double-edged. Trees made civilization possible; unmanaged demand made local ecological collapse common. The modern conservation movement is, in that sense, not a new sentimentality. It is the latest attempt to keep a very old material basis from running out.